© United Nations, 2020.
Are women any less corrupt than men? Many would instinctively say “yes, probably”, even if they had not reflected on the issue before. When asked in public opinion surveys whether men or women are more corrupt, far greater numbers of respondents tend to pick men, though this varies across countries. When polled about policy preferences, those who prioritize a need for more ethical government are more likely to say they intend to vote for a female candidate.
What is the relationship between gender and corruption? Research into links between gender and corruption began around the turn of the millennium with studies commissioned by the World Bank that reported correlations between the proportion of women in positions of power in different countries and anti-corruption measures in those countries. The preliminary conclusion seemed clear: with more women in power there was less corruption.
Today, we recognize that gender aspects influence and shape cultures across the world and feature in diverse areas of our lives ranging from religious teachings to the common bedtime story. Building upon this universality, corruption affects men and women differently across the world. In many societies, women remain the primary caretakers of the family and are regularly confronted with corruption when dealing with education, health and other public services. In the health care sector, women are particularly vulnerable as they have reproductive health needs that may require regular attention. They can face corruption for things as simple as getting appointments to having to pay for treatment that they should have received for free. Furthermore, patronage networks that are often dominated by men, exclude women from participating in or access to the public and private sectors as well as the political sphere.
On the other hand, women in leadership roles have been shown to be more motivated and invested in addressing aspects of corruption that are closer to their own reality, i.e. in areas such as public service delivery of health care and education. They may also be more interested in addressing the gendered currency of corruption, namely where women are asked for sexual favours to access services that are, in fact, sometimes even free.
Seeking to explore this interconnectedness between gender equality and corruption, UNODC held an expert group meeting in Bangkok in 2018 bringing together 26 participants from United Nations agencies and other international organizations, anti-corruption authorities and other national criminal justice practitioners, as well as civil society and academia, with the aim of exploring actionable recommendations on how to mainstream gender in anti-corruption programming. Building on the outcome of the meeting, the present publication attempts to delve deeper into this topic and discern the origins of the themes that were discussed in order to support and substantiate them with academic and other research sources. While keeping in mind the steadfast goal of achieving the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), this publication also seeks to provide food for thought to the anti-corruption community at large in translating ideas to programmatic initiatives. The original recommendations have been included throughout the publication and, with the benefit of additional research, have at times been strengthened further.
The concept of gender is applied throughout this document to convey a binary understanding of men and women simply because this is where research can support the findings, without the intention of diluting the rainbow representing the community of the lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex persons. Also, the terms ‘woman’ and ‘female’ are used interchangeably as an editorial choice to make the text more readable, even though it is acknowledged that these terms are not perfect synonyms.
In order to help guide the reader when exploring the gender dimensions of corruption, this publication has been divided into five chapters.
Chapter 1
This chapter starts by re-examining the assertion that women are the “fairer sex”. Carefully designed experiments using games have allowed researchers to show how, given the right circumstances, women and men are equally prone to being corrupt. One way in which corrupt public officials are held accountable is at the ballot box and a few examples from around the world show that this holds true — but only to a certain extent. The publication underlines the importance of understanding how national, cultural and social norms and the way in which they interact, underpin the linkages between gender and corruption. By examining some of these contexts, the publication illustrates the impact of such intersectionality. These include culturally learned risk-averse behaviours that are ingrained in women or the disproportionate sanctions women receive if caught engaging in corrupt activities.
Chapter 2
The second chapter looks at how corruption impacts women and men differently and how gender inequality impacts corruption. The claim that women simply do not have the opportunity to be corrupt as they are excluded from collusive networks of patronage is discussed. In contrast, more recent research also indicates that criminal behaviour of women is increasing and coinciding with increased female participation in the labour market.
A highly under-reported area of corruption, namely abuse of authority, is where sexual favours and acts of a sexual nature are used as currency. This form of body corruption is very difficult to capture due to the social taboo frequently associated with sex crimes and the stigmatization of victims who speak up and also after the situation has been addressed. In order to address this area of corruption, the chapter highlights successful cases where anti-corruption legislation has served as a basis to prosecute such acts, rather than sexual harassment or even gender-based violence laws.
Finally, chapter 2 also discusses the impact of women during a public health crisis by focussing on the aftermath of a tsunami, the outbreak of the Ebola virus and the COVID-19 pandemic in three different sectors — education, health care and private sector — and considers the various sectoral scenarios and the gendered impact of corruption.
Chapter 3
Taking a closer look at the legal sphere and gender-lensed interpretation of anti-corruption legislation, this chapter considers the historical evolution of key international instruments. In relation to the international anti-corruption instruments, the chapter highlights a shift away from the early concept of the victimless crime, to one that is victim-centred. While these legal instruments may have evolved in parallel with international and national frameworks promoting gender equality and the empowerment of women, the chapter also highlights how gender equality elements can be found in major anti-corruption instruments.
Furthermore, the Council of Europe’s (CoE’s) Group of States Against Corruption (GRECO) has taken the lead amongst international organizations by requiring its Member States to include gender disaggregated data and report on gendered anti-corruption measures in their country evaluations.
Chapter 4
This chapter underlines the importance of evidence-based policymaking and emphasizes the difficulties in gathering anti-corruption data in general, particularly sex-disaggregated data. While the SDGs have set a high standard for data collection and disaggregation, Member States will find it challenging to be able to rise to that level — even those with well-developed data collection systems. Nevertheless, the development of gender-sensitive anti-corruption policies can work in different ways and with unexpected positive outcomes. The chapter highlights how gender equality policies can have a positive effect in preventing and countering corruption and, vice versa, how anti-corruption policies can benefit from using gender equality principles to level the playing field and be more inclusive.
Such approaches to policymaking have the potential to improve the effectiveness of judicial systems and their responses through increased judicial integrity and even encourage increased reporting from groups that are often marginalized. However, this chapter reiterates that these policies would benefit from an evidence-based approach and makes the case to increase efforts in data collection. Nevertheless, there is no one-size-fits-all solution to addressing the gender dimensions of corruption; sex-disaggregated data alone only hints at one aspect in a multi-layered reality of intersectionality, and does not reflect lived realities.
As an example of innovative initiatives that challenge the status quo of the public sector, this publication presents the Supreme Court of Mexico’s protocol to address gender bias— whether unconscious or conscious — in the country’s judiciary. The guidelines were drafted to serve as a fundamental tool to ensure that the right to equality before the law is a reality as enshrined in the Constitution of Mexico and in line with its international human rights undertakings.
The presence of gender-sensitive whistleblower reporting and protection systems and a victim-centred approach enable the reporting person to come forward. Such reassurance has been shown to be of greater importance to female than to male whistleblowers, as women are generally more fearful than their male counterparts to report such instances of corruption. For women, the lack of protection, fear of reprisals and the level of confidentiality can negatively impact the decision to report corruption.
Another initiative is the efforts of Secretary-General António Guterres to ensure gender parity in the United Nations Secretariat. As part of his oath of office, the Secretary-General outlined how he intends to implement this so that “[g]ender parity ... can be achieved not just in line with the highest standards of merit, but in fact while simultaneously strengthening standards of efficiency, competence and integrity.” The ultimate goal of the new strategic approach is to enable a change in the Organization’s culture to be “a female and family friendly work-place, and ensure gender-sensitive workplace practices to build an enabling environment and secure a sustainable approach to parity”.
Chapter 5
To illustrate the findings of chapter 1 to 4, chapter 5 includes three country-specific case studies from Brazil, Ghana and Indonesia that demonstrate each country’s contextual anti-corruption landscape while focusing on unique gender narratives.
An analysis of mayoral elections and candidates in Brazil reveals that women mayors are more likely to act on socio-economic issues that predominantly affect women. This includes a strong agenda to curtail the practice of temporarily giving out jobs to win votes just before elections. Voting patterns also reveal that more Brazilians are likely to vote for a woman candidate if a previous male incumbent was found to be corrupt. The country has an innovative approach to addressing local level corruption. The Office of the Comptroller General undertakes federal audits of local administrations on the basis of the numbers drawn in the national lottery, hence keeping the offices on their toes, and making the selection random.
In Indonesia, varying intersectionalities emerging from the urban-rural divide demonstrate how different women in the informal sector prefer formalizing (or not) their businesses due to the disproportionate impact corruption has on them including through demands for bribes and informal fees. Indonesia also provides an inspiring example of women on the forefront of the fight against corruption through the Corruption Eradication Commission of Indonesia (KPK) that launched the SPAK (Saya Perempuan Anti-Korupsi) initiative. The acronym translates to ‘I am a woman against corruption’ and engages thousands of women to raise awareness about corrupt behaviours through games at the local and village levels.
Ghana’s postcolonial society witnessed women traders dominate its informal economy, only to be blamed later for being central to the country’s economic challenges including corruption. In response to this, and driven by different women’s groups, the Women’s Manifesto for Ghana of 2003 remains the guiding light for the country’s gender mainstreaming efforts. The National Anti-Corruption Action Plan stands out for its acknowledgement of the negative impact of corruption on women, children and other ‘equity-seeking groups’. Exploring the gendered impacts of corruption in public procurement and land rights is also a highlight of this case together with the role Ghana’s vibrant civil society has come to play by helping to empower women with the knowledge of their legal rights.
